Why this remains unachieved reveals much

[pappu9265]

It is an irony of history: although a sovereign Kurdistan did not come to be after WWI, Kurdish self-determination then stood a better chance of independent statehood than after self-determination became part of international law. By any political theory of self-determination, it seems obvious that the Kurdish people should be living in a single sovereign state of their own. about the biases of international law.

For over a century the Kurds’ host states have pursued antagonism towards Kurds and Kurdistan. They have employed the terms ‘terrorist’, ‘separatist’, and ‘territorial integrity’ as pretexts for oppressing the Kurds’ quest for their rights. Persianisation, Arabisation, Turkification, deportation and seizure of land and the migration of non-Kurds to Kurdistan, alongside the continued assimilationist policies and internal colonisation adopted by the Kurds’ host states, have led to the territorial reduction of Kurdistan.

Recent developments in Iraq and Syria have brought about the establishment buy phone number list of Kurdish de facto self-rule entities in the form of internal self-determination in Southern and Western Kurdistan, while the Kurds in Northern and Eastern Kurdistan have not achieved any form of control. The consistent pattern of gross human rights violations may fulfill the criteria for remedial secession. However, the level of oppression is less than the recommended standard based on the cases of Bangladesh, Kosovo, and South Sudan. But there has been no consistent gauging of the seriousness of oppression for a qualified right to secession that is applicable to every situation. Thus oppression has to be relative to the particular conditions of groups and their relationship with states. Also, there is no case of recent states’ revocation of autonomy arrangements or a diminished degree of territorial self-rule administration or loss of power at the national level. Thus the Kurdish situation may not yet call for the ultimum remedium of secession although there is still political exclusion, lack of access to the state or meaningful representation of the Kurds in governing bodies, and degrees of active discrimination and assimilationist laws aimed against Kurdistani identity and language by the states. The ability of Kurds to exercise internal self-determination has long been frustrated with no remaining remedy.